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Last Feb­ru­ary 11th, we learned a new “infor­ma­tion pro­hi­bi­tion” had land­ed. This cen­sor­ship prac­tice by the regime is now part of well-estab­lished habits in Turkey… The pro­hi­bi­tion decreed by a tri­bunal, denies access from inside Turkey, to the infor­ma­tion thus designated.

This time, the infor­ma­tion pro­hi­bi­tion is about the “Taha Hülagü” case.

Here is yet anoth­er exam­ple wor­thy of fea­tur­ing in the “cor­rup­tion” dossier next to that of Erişah Arı­can, who wrote the doc­tor­al the­sis for Berat Albayrak, Erdoğan’s son-in-law and ex-Min­is­ter, and found her­self lift­ed up to Pres­i­dent of the Stock Mar­ket or that of the rise of Elif Yetim to a senior man­age­ment posi­tion at Turk­ish Air­lines, sto­ries revealed by Metin Cihan, exam­ples among so many others.

This time, we are deal­ing with anoth­er saga in which the main pro­tag­o­nists are a father and his son.

The father is Sadet­tin Hülagü, rec­tor of Kocaeli Uni­ver­si­ty whose son’s name is Taha. As soon as he obtained his uni­ver­si­ty diplo­ma, Taha was nom­i­nat­ed as Direc­tor of SEKA, a munic­i­pal muse­um in the Kocaeli met­ro­pol­i­tan area. But his rise did not stop there: Taha went on revving the motor for a fur­ther ascen­sion… Just as sud­den­ly as for his first nom­i­na­tion, and with­out ben­e­fit of any exam, he became “prin­ci­pal court clerk” for the munic­i­pal­i­ty of Kocaeli, which is man­aged by the Jus­tice and Devel­op­ment Par­ty (AKP), by the way. The young man spent an entire day as a court clerk; this was suf­fi­cient to enter him as a “civ­il ser­vant” and he was then shunt­ed through a lat­er­al move to the “Pres­i­den­tial pub­lic diplo­ma­cy Agency”.

Which attract­ed the atten­tion of oppo­si­tion media. As can well be imagined…

Taha Hülagü was not pleased about this. At his request, with an alle­ga­tion that the facts were not true and were a blem­ish on his hon­or, his dig­ni­ty and his rep­u­ta­tion, the judge at the Kocaeli court set­tled the mat­ter… He reached the con­clu­sion that the press arti­cles were “of a nature to pro­voke and incite pub­lic reac­tions” and that “the facts were not up to date” since sim­i­lar arti­cles had been pub­lished before and pub­lished again, months lat­er… As if, over time, abus­es had become nor­mal­ized… So, “the rights of the per­son Taha Hülagü had been vio­lat­ed.” Access to arti­cles regard­ing his nom­i­na­tion, pub­lished on 13 dif­fer­ent plat­forms were blocked and the arti­cles had to be suppressed.

They are the fol­low­ing media and plat­forms: yenidemokrasi13.net, cumhuriyet.com.tr, haberimizvar.net, sol.org.tr, birgun.net, ilerihaber.org, bianet.org, milligazete.com.tr, evrensel.net, seskocaeli.com, sizinkocaeli.com, eksisozluk.com/taha-hulagu, and Halk TV’s video on YouTube.

Thus does jus­tice pro­tect the AKP’s new dad­dy’s boys while, at the same time, annulling acquit­tals that had already been pro­nounced in the inter­linked tri­als against the opposition.

This is how, since their rise to pow­er in Turkey, this new caste has been slow­ly cre­at­ed, almost an enriched social class around the AKP, one that is rec­og­niz­able in all large cities by its exte­ri­or signs, its fash­ions, its atti­tudes and which has been graft­ed onto the old­er ones born of ear­li­er pow­er structures.


Translation by Renée Lucie Bourges
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