Before tak­ing up his duties at the Turk­ish embassy in 2016, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa was deputy direc­tor of MIT (the Turk­ish secret ser­vice) since 2012.

A late but nec­es­sary translation.…

Français | English

Por­tait — Inter­view by Ari­ane Bon­zon – March 29 2018, Slate.

His Excel­len­cy İsm­ail Hakkı Musa had every rea­son to be sat­is­fied with this vis­it, one for which he had been one of the main archi­tects: a top lev­el Euro­pean Chief of State, Emmanuel Macron, final­ly agreed to meet with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

At a time when rela­tions between Ankara and Berlin were at their low­est point, Paris had said yes. Post­poned a first time by l’Elysée, the vis­it was set in extrem­is on Jan­u­ary 5 2018.

Embarrassing Question

We’ve suc­ceed­ed”, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa could tell him­self while lis­ten­ing to the French and Turk­ish pres­i­dents hold­ing a joint press con­fer­ence. That is, until a spoil­sport of a jour­nal­ist stood up and asked Erdoğan if he regret­ted fur­nished “so many weapons, so much ammu­ni­tion to Islamist fight­ers” in Syr­ia, then asked him about hid­den details of the secret oper­a­tion led by the Nation­al Orga­ni­za­tion of Turk­ish Infor­ma­tion (MIT: “Yes or no,” ques­tioned Lau­rent Richard, “did you, as we were told through infor­ma­tion reach­ing us, had some ISIS mem­bers lib­er­at­ed in exchange for Turk­ish per­son­nel of the con­sulate in Mossul, includ­ing some Euro­pean nationals?”

Sit­ting in the front row next to min­is­ters and advi­sors flown in from Ankara, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa rec­og­nizes the jour­nal­ist: he received him a few weeks ear­li­er for an inter­view in his office – which offers one of the finest views on the Eif­fel Tower.

This assis­tant, Hakan Fidan’s trust­ed aid, the one charged with the suc­cess­ful com­ple­tion of this secret oper­a­tion is none oth­er than İsm­ail Hakkı Musa.

While a few meters away, Emmanuel Macron and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan answer the jour­nal­ist, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa leans toward his neigh­bour on the right: Hakan Fidan, MIT’s Num­ber 1. It is under his author­i­ty that these weapons were sent in 2014, and he is the one who, a few months lat­er, entrust­ed his assis­tant with the task of doing every­thing pos­si­ble to recov­er, safe and sound, the forty or so Turk­ish hostages held by the Islamist State orga­ni­za­tion in Mossul.

This assis­tant, Hakan Fidan’s trust­ed aid, the one charged with the suc­cess­ful com­ple­tion of this secret oper­a­tion is none oth­er than İsm­ail Hakkı Musa, ex Num­ber 2 man of the MIT, from 2012 to 2016 and Turk­ish ambas­sador to France for the past year and a half.

Outside the caste

İsm­ail Hakkı Musa is not one of the caste of “Mon cher” (in French) the nick­name Pres­i­dent Erdoğan sticks on Euro­peanized and Kemal­ist diplo­mats that long dom­i­nat­ed Turk­ish For­eign Affairs.

The Musa fam­i­ly is from the very con­ser­v­a­tive region of Tra­b­zon where İsm­ail Hakkı was born in 1960. “The Turks of Tra­b­zon are reput­ed to the Bel­gians of Turkey: they have a rather pecu­liar sense of humor, are very warm­heart­ed and smil­ing, but extreme­ly patri­ot­ic” explains Kay­han Kara­ca, NTV’s Turk­ish cor­re­spon­dent to the Euro­pean insti­tu­tions in Stras­bourg. “A small busi­ness­man in the con­struc­tion busi­ness”, his father want to move clos­er to Istan­bul and quick­ly set­tles his fam­i­ly in Ada­pazarı, in the province of Sakarya.

In 1979, when the younger Musa arrives in France with the equiv­a­lent of a BA, he does not speak a sin­gle word of French; his first year is very dif­fi­cult. With a degree in eco­nom­ic sci­ences from Stras­burg, the Turk­ish stu­dent opts for a licence in polit­i­cal econ­o­my and reg­is­ters in the Fac­ul­ty of Law and eco­nom­ic sci­ences in Nacy. One of his stu­dent com­pan­ions of the time, the Fra­no-Turk­ish Murat Erpuyan, remem­bers “he was young, ambi­tious and deter­mined”.

The pri­vate sec­tor did­n’t attract me and my con­tacts with the con­sular ser­vices led to a lean­ing toward diplo­ma­cy. In a way, my voca­tion was born in Frence,” Musa says.

After a few years in Ankara, then in Algiers, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa lands in Lyon from 1994 to 1997, as vice-con­sult then Turk­ish con­sul – a post he will occu­py again ten years lat­er from 2007  to 2009.

Targeted by the putsch attempt

Unde­ni­ably, the ambas­sador knows France and the French well. He presents his cre­den­tials to François Hol­lande in Novem­ber 2016. The pho­to of this cer­e­mo­ny is one of the three the ambas­sador has cho­sen to hang behind his desk, next to a pho­to of the Turk­ish Pres­i­dent with a gold-let­tered inscription.

Not as obvi­ous, and yet a tute­lary fig­ure, a third image shows a man with a full beard,  in antique garb. “He is one of the high lead­ers of the Spe­cial Orga­ni­za­tion”, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa tells me. The Turk­ish Infor­ma­tion ser­vices (MIT) have some­times con­sid­ered them­selves a con­ti­nu­ity of this para­mil­i­tary group involved in the 1915 Armen­ian genocide.

I was among those whose life was threat­ened on the that night of July 15 2016”
İsm­ail Hakkı Musa

The new ambas­sador takes up his duties in Paris four months after the attempt­ed mil­i­tary coup of July 2016, of which he has a vivid mem­o­ry. I was among those whose life was threat­ened on the that night of July 15 2016” he says. “I had rein­te­grat­ed the Min­istry of For­eign Affairs tend ays ear­li­er, but my fam­i­ly and I still resided in the MIT’s head­quar­ters. This is where we were when the putschists attacked the main por­tal and shot at peo­ple. They want­ed to kid­nap Hakan Fidan.”

The authors of this attempt­ed putsch? “No more than 2% of the armed forces. Gulenists from FETÖ (acronym for the pur­port­ed ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tion of those faith­ful to Imam Gülen, allied to the pow­er until 2012) had infil­trat­ed mil­i­tary secu­ri­ty, this is how they could attempt the coup. The police infor­ma­tion cell was infest­ed up to the teeth. How­ev­er, they had not pen­e­trat­ed the MIT and if we were able to hold on to the end, it’s pre­cise­ly because we had asked our­selves many ques­tions. But that coup attempt could not have hap­pened with­out out­side help,” İsm­ail Hakkı Musa continues.

Sev­er­al unan­swered ques­tions remain con­cern­ing this failed putsch. One thing is cer­tain: oth­er groups that Gulenists in the armed forces were involved, to a greater or less­er extent, at one point or anoth­er. The big ques­tion remains whether they were unable to impose their views, whether they real­ized they could not achieve their aim, or if they were dis­suad­ed from participating.

Musa dis­miss­es the ques­tion. “The impli­ca­tion of oth­ers groups is a ques­tion of analy­sis. Ulti­mate­ly, FETÖ made  up the hard core”. What then of the one accused of being the leader of the putschists, Gen­er­al Akın Öztürk, Army Chief  of Staff between 2013 and 2015, and an ex-mem­ber of the Nation­al Secu­ri­ty Coun­cil – and clear­ly not a Gulenist?

As a mat­ter of fact, was it not at his side that İsm­ail Hakkı Musa, while Numero 2 at MIT, con­duct­ed in ear­ly 2014, the del­i­cate trans­fer of the Ottoman tomb of Suley­man Shah, threat­ened by ISIS in Syria?

Indeed, Akın Öztürk was not edu­cat­ed with the net­work. He is not a Gulenist by con­vic­tion. But the Gulenists need­ed a hight rank­ing offi­cer the Colonels respect­ed, in order to give their attempt legit­i­ma­cy, and so Akın Öztürk played that role,” jus­ti­fies İsm­ail Hakkı Musa.

Hunt on Gulenists

The shock­wave caused by the attempt­ed coup did not spare the Turk­ish Embassy in Paris. As revealed by, Hakkı Akil, then ambas­sador in the sum­mer of 2016, pro­vid­ed to the Gen­er­al Sec­re­tary at Quai d’Or­say the names of some thir­ty French asso­ci­a­tions in the areas of edu­ca­tion, wom­en’s actic­i­ties or busi­ness­es, grav­i­tat­ing in the galaxy of Imam Fethul­lah Gülen exiled in the Unit­ed States.

This list was pre­pared by one of the advi­sors at the embassy. The ink was hard­ly dry when he was recalled to Ankara for belong­ing to the net­work the list of which he had just made an inven­to­ry in France. Five oth­er col­leagues were also fired from the diplo­mat­ic func­tions – includ­ing the mil­i­tary attaché.

I gave strict instruc­tions: let every­one do his job, the teacher and the reli­gious leader (detached to France by Ankara) must lim­it them­selves to Repub­li­can legality”
İsm­ail Hakkı Musa.

In 2017, the Ger­man secret ser­vices accused Turk­ish imams detached by Ankara’s Min­istry for Reli­gious Affairs of col­lect­ing infor­ma­tion on the faith­ful who were fol­low­ers of imam Gülen in Ger­many. The files could then be used by Turk­ish courts – which is total­ly con­trary to nor­mal diplo­mat­ic rela­tions. The affair cause an uproar: six imams were sent back to Turkey.

A sim­i­lar sys­tem of spy­ing was set up and denounced in Bel­gium, in Hol­land and in Switzer­land. Accord­ing to our infor­ma­tion, the same also held true for France, via the local branch of Diyanet (the Pres­i­den­cy for Reli­gious Affairs, con­nect­ed to the Prime Minister).

The new ambas­sador does not wish to dwell on the top­ic: “I gave strict instruc­tions: let every­one do his job, the teacher and the reli­gious leader (detached to France by Ankara) must lim­it them­selves to Repub­li­can legality”

This  in itself could con­firm that such a sys­tem was in place pri­or to these instructions…

July 2017, the prayer for the dead has just been pro­nounced in the great hall of the ambas­sador’s res­i­dence. Before his  com­pa­tri­ots, invit­ed to com­mem­o­rate the 300 vic­tims of the attempt­ed putsch, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa assails once again “this sec­tar­i­an move­ment turned ter­ror­ist (…) this enter­prise with glob­al ambi­tions…” before drop­ping a strange mes­sage to this ene­my lurk­ing in the shad­ows – even in France – that of the Gulenist com­mu­ni­ty: “You have to know we are not afraid of you”, he says.

The embarrassing Ömer Güney affair

A sec­ond red-hot dossier await­ed the new ambas­sador on his arrival in Paris at the end of 2016: that of Ömer Güney’s tri­al, the pre­sumed author of the assas­si­na­tion, three years ear­li­er, of three Kur­dish activists, — includ­ing Sakine Can­sız one of the PKK found­ing mem­bers – at 147 rue Lafayette, in the Cap­i­tal’s tenth arrondisse­ment.

This triple extra­ju­di­cial exe­cu­tion car­ries the sig­na­ture of the Turk­ish ser­vices (MIT). The defin­i­tive indict­ment of Paris’ antiter­ror­ist office demand­ed Ömer Güney’s tri­al in Crim­i­nal Court for assas­si­na­tions relat­ed to a ter­ror­ist under­tak­ing, in which MIT was involved. Moroev­er, the man was impli­cat­ed in an escape attempt: a per­son with whom the pre­sumed assas­sin spoke in prison – their con­ver­sa­tion was record­ed – admit­ted they used the code name “ma mère” (my moth­er) when talk­ing about the Turk­ish secret ser­vices and that an escape plan was giv­en to him by Ömer Güney for trans­mit­tal to the MIT.

Two MIT lead­ers in the hands of the PKK in Ira­ki ter­ri­to­ry recent­ly made pre­cise dec­la­ra­tions con­cern­ing the MIT’s role in these assas­si­na­tions, so the ambas­sador is real­ly say­ing any old thing.”
Antoine Comte, lawyer for the fam­i­lies of the three assas­si­nat­ed Kur­dish activists

The year 2013,  the year of the triple assas­si­na­tion, is pre­cise­ly the year İsm­ail Hakkı Musa takes up his duties as Num­ber 2 at MIT. Ques­tioned, he repeats the offi­cial nar­ra­tive word for word:  a “pos­si­ble set­tling of scores with­in the PKK… Plus, so many peo­ple were against the peace process ini­ti­at­ed with the Kurds, the Gulenists. Being front and cen­ter among them.”

These words anger the fam­i­lies’ lawyer, Antoine Comte: “There has been no stor­age of polit­i­cal assas­si­na­tions of for­eign­ers on French soil, and they are always fol­lowed by the same denials and impuni­ty! But this time, as a first, an indict­ment impli­cates a State’s secret ser­vices. Two MIT lead­ers in the hands of the PKK in Ira­ki ter­ri­to­ry recent­ly made spe­cif­ic dec­la­ra­tions con­cern­ing the MIT’s role in these assas­si­na­tions, so the ambas­sador is real­ly say­ing any old thing!”

The tri­al that could have brought us clos­er to the truth did not occur: Ömer Güney died from the sequels of a grave ill­ness in the month pre­ced­ing the first hear­ing. This extin­guished the pub­lic  action – remov­ing one thorn from İsm­ail Hakkı Musa’s foot. Comte crit­i­cizes “French author­i­ties (under the pres­i­den­cy of François Hol­lande) who allow the des­ig­na­tion as ambas­sador of a leader of ser­vices against whom crimes are imputed.”

Tensions grow around the PKK

On Octo­ber 27 2017, the nation­al hol­i­day is in full swing in the ambas­sador’s res­i­dence. Gath­ered round the buf­fet table are Turk­ish or Fran­co-Turk­ish peo­ple – busi­ness­men, jour­nal­ists and artists – and a few French or for­eign diplo­mats. In con­clud­ing his speech, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa rais­es his voice: “under the pre­text of fight­ing one ter­ror­ist orga­ni­za­tion, France should not legit­imize anoth­er one.”

The mes­sage is for the mem­bers of the inter­na­tion­al coali­tion led by the Unit­ed States, and of which France is a mem­ber, that has allied itself with the Kur­dish mili­tia of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Union Par­ty (PYD, close to the PKK) in order to fight ISIS in Syria.

Over the past one or two years, we have…handed over more than 200 mem­bers of ISIS to our French friends. We expect as strong a coop­er­a­tion in the fight against PKK.”
İsm­ail Hakkı Musa

As wit­nessed in the Turk­ish mil­i­tary offen­sive on Afrin, in ear­ly 2018, Ankara’s objec­tive is the max­i­mal reduc­tion of the PYD-PKK’s ter­ri­to­r­i­al hold­ings in North­ern Syr­ia – and under­min­ing the relays these Kur­dish aut­no­mist par­ties may have in the Euro­pean Kur­dish diasporas.

İsm­ail Hakkı Musa sum­ma­rizes: “Over the past one or two years, we have… hand­ed over more than 200 mem­bers of ISIS to our French friends. We expect as strong a coop­er­a­tion in the fight against PKK.”

On March 15 2018, Le Monde revealed nonethe­less that Euro­pean courts of jus­tice were con­cerned about “rov­ing com­man­dos from the pow­er­ful Turk­ish secret ser­vices” were charged with liq­ui­dat­ing cer­tain Kur­dish PKK cadres on our continent.

The author of the arti­cle, Jacque Fol­lor­ou, goes so far as to report that a meet­ing took place in Paris last year between sev­er­al Turk­ish agents, includ­ing a for­mer police­man and a sharp­shoot­er. He evokes “sus­pi­cions con­cern­ing a coor­di­na­tion role that Bel­gium attrib­ut­es to a high lev­el mem­ber of Turk­ish diplo­ma­cy in Paris” – with­out going so far as nam­ing him.

İsm­ail Hakkı Musa is nei­ther from the army, nor from the police: he is a pure civil­ian and his nom­i­na­tion is pecu­liar. He is not a typ­i­cal MIT type”, says jour­nal­ist Kay­han Karaca.

What is cer­tain is that İsm­ail Hakkı Musa makes no secret of his affec­tion at MIT nor of the pri­ma­ry impor­tance he gives to infor­ma­tion gath­er­ing : “A great coun­try must have an effi­cient infor­ma­tion sys­tem, both inter­nal­ly and abroad, oth­er­wise it moves for­ward in dark­ness. With­out a good infor­ma­tion ser­vice, a State can col­lapse and its for­eign pol­i­cy have no effi­cien­cy whatsoever.”

Close to his Fellow Citizens

A pro-active diplo­mate, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa does not neglect any event in France relat­ed near or far to Turkey. He is seen inau­gu­rat­ing an exhi­bi­tion of pho­tos at the Ana­to­lian Cul­tur­al Cen­ter in Paris, glass of alco­hol in hand while con­vers­ing with two young veiled women. His res­i­dence is open to his fel­low cit­i­zens, be they Turk­ish or Fran­co-Turk­ish, con­ser­v­a­tive and reli­gious – the same ones who were long ignored by a num­ber of his predecessors.

He’s very keen on meet­ing  young French peo­ple of Turk­ish ori­gin who are active in French polit­i­cal par­ties”,says one of them who is a mem­ber of En marche. “Ambas­sador Musa relies on a series of cul­tur­al and reli­gious asso­ci­a­tions in order to cement the com­mon inter­ests of the Turk­ish com­mu­ni­ty in France. Some of these asso­ci­a­tions are sub­si­dized and financed by Ankara”, explains jour­nal­ist Kay­han Karaca.

We all stood side by side,(…) as if there was­n’t a silent war between us, with vio­lent reper­cus­sions all the way to France.”
A par­tic­i­pant at the funer­al of a Turk­ish jour­nal­ist in Paris

How­ev­er, İsm­ail Hakkı Musa, who is no admir­er of the lit­er­ary styles of Aslı Erdoğan and Orhan Pamuk – two Turk­ish writ­ers denounc­ing Erdoğan’s drift to disc­ta­tor­ship – seems to have barred from the embassy’s lists sev­er­al left-lean­ing intel­lec­tu­al and artists liv­ing in Paris and express criticisms.

Which does not exclude moments of appar­ent rec­on­cil­i­a­tion. Thus, at the recent funer­al of a Turk­ish jour­nal­ist in Paris: “It was crazy, says one of the par­tic­i­pants at the cer­e­mo­ny. “Almost all of the diverse Turk­ish soci­ety was there, with Kurds – not PKK of course, ex-jour­nal­ists of Zaman (the for­mer press organ for the Gulenist net­work), mem­bers of the Nation­al­ist Action Par­ty, social-democ­rats… We all stood side by side,(…) as if there was­n’t a silent war between us, with vio­lent reper­cus­sions all the way to France.”

A regular in TV studios

İsm­ail Hakkı Musa spares no efforts either when it comes to the media: he is with­out a doubt the for­eign ambas­sador most often seen on television.

As a lawyer edu­cat­ed in France (he defend­ed his the­sis in 2008 in Nan­cy), he must defend the end of the rule of law in Turkey, in the name of the fight against ter­ror­ism – which he does with­out fail, at least in pub­lic. He bare­ly allows him­self a slight reser­va­tion when Erdoğan’s words cause him embar­rass­ment: “I think we need to nuance our Pres­i­den­t’s dec­la­ra­tions,” he allowed him­self to say one day on France 24.

When he does­n’t send one of his advi­sors, he attends in per­son one or oth­er of the innu­mer­able debates on Turkey, in order to cor­rect a con­fer­ence speak­er too dis­tant from  or crit­i­cal of the offi­cial line.

There is no super­sized ego. He’s an hon­est and rea­son­able man, who knows how to lis­ten. His job isn’t easy with all the Armen­ian, Kurd lob­bies in France, and now with Fetö”, says the ultra sec­u­lar and Kemal­ist Demir Onger, a Fren­co-Turk­ish car­di­ol­o­gist who has resided for fifty years in Paris.

Nei­ther the “Kur­dish dossier” nor the “Gulenist dossier” will make the Turk­ish ambas­sador for­get the “Armen­ian dossier”. İsm­ail Hakkı Musa likes to offer his vis­i­tors a brief essay, Diver­gences tur­co-arméni­ennes (édi­tions du Pan­théon, 2017) by Yves Bénard, which denounces, not the geno­cide com­mit­ted by the Turks against the Arme­ni­ans in 1915 – Turk­ish author­i­ties still refuse to acknowl­edge its exis­tence – but, on the con­trary the “exter­mi­na­tion plan” pur­port­ed­ly orches­trat­ed by “Armen­ian militias”.

Two hats

His dou­ble iden­ti­ty is undoubt­ed­ly what defines him best – as is the case with the image of his office in which the diplo­mat is nev­er far from the MIT leader. The very offi­cial pho­to of his “enthrone­ment” by Pres­i­dent Hol­lande stands, we remind the read­er, next to an archival pho­to of the less-than-rec­om­mend­able Spe­cial Orga­ni­za­tion; one of his cur­rent read­ing selec­tions, Sit­u­a­tion de la France by Catholic philoso­pher Pierre Manent sits cheek by jowl with an agen­da stamped with the logo of the DGSE (French ser­vices) the for­mer direc­tor of the French ser­vices Bernard Bajo­let is claimed to have offered him.

These two hats proved more than use­ful when he had to orga­nize Erdoğan’s vis­it to Paris in ear­ly Jan­u­ary. The Turk­ish Pres­i­den­t’s vis­it to France took place under the com­bined aus­pices of For­eign Affairs and Secret Ser­vices. “It is most unusu­al to see direc­tors of secret ser­vices play­ing such an overt role”,says for­mer ambas­sador Michel Duc­los who now acts as spe­cial advi­sor on geopol­i­tics at the Mon­taigne Institute.

Since 2014 and the intro­duc­tion of Bernard Cazeneu­ve’s pro­to­col against ISIS ter­ror­ism, our coop­er­a­tion with France has been exten­sive and our bilat­er­al rela­tions have been enriched with a strate­gic dimen­sion, which implies that we coop­er­ate in defense indus­tries,“the ambas­sador summarizes.

There is a prin­ci­ple stat­ing that all that is not legal is not nec­es­sar­i­ly illegitimate”.
İsm­ail Hakkı Musa

İsm­ail Hakkı Musa also serves as a relay between Ankara and the DGSE’s new direc­tor, Bernard Emié. The lat­ter was ambas­sador to Turkey when Hakan Fidan, the cur­rent direc­tor of its ser­vices, was respon­si­ble for sen­si­tive dossiers – notably that of nuclear pow­er. The two heavy­weights under­stand one anoth­er well: “Emié is among the few French­men who know Turkey very well. To which is added a polit­i­cal move­ment  that should make the dif­fer­ence with the pre­ced­ing sequence,” accord­ing to İsm­ail Hakkı Musa.

How dos he see his dou­ble affil­i­a­tion? Who wins out in his eyes: the diplo­mat or the man from the ser­vices? Has he set him­self some red line he would refuse to cross, in the name of cer­tain principles?

First and fore­most, I am devot­ed to the Turk­ish nation”,he answers with­out hes­i­ta­tion. Then, fol­low­ing a short pause: “There is a prin­ci­ple stat­ing that all that is not legal is not nec­es­sar­i­ly ille­git­i­mate. And that prin­ci­ple finds its source in a French inven­tion, that of Rea­son of State being supe­ri­or to all oth­er. This is a prin­ci­ple to which I sub­scribe.” One could hard­ly be any clearer.

(Other than those pronounced in public, the ambassador has re-read and confirmed the words attributed to him in this article.)

Ari­ane Bonzon

Head­line image : İsm­ail Hakkı Musa on TV5 Mon­de’s set, in March 2017 | Screen­shot via YouTube

Translation by Renée Lucie Bourges
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