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The min­ing dis­as­ter at Soma is now the top­ic of a film. The dis­as­ter had pow­er­ful polit­i­cal reper­cus­sions in Turkey, illus­trat­ing as it did the cow­ardice of those in pow­er pro­tect­ing cor­rup­tion in a sec­tor where exploita­tion took prece­dence on all safe­ty precautions.


The acci­dent” which occurred in 2014 at the Soma coal mine in Man­isa is the most dead­ly indus­tri­al dis­as­ter in Turk­ish his­to­ry. On May 13, just as the change-over was tak­ing place between the day and the evening shifts — with 787 min­ers inside the mine — a fire start­ed in one of the shafts and spread into the gal­leries. A num­ber of min­ers died, trapped by the flames and the tox­ic fumes.

The loss of 301 lives of min­ers aged between 18 and 53 years… Hun­dreds of bod­ies were pulled out of the mine, one after the oth­er in the hours fol­low­ing the dis­as­ter, mak­ing the seri­ous­ness of the event obvi­ous to all eyes. Despite attempts to cov­er up the “acci­dent” and thanks to the jour­nal­ists who arrived at the mine, pub­lic opin­ion was apprised of the true facts.

Dis­mal work­ing con­di­tions, clear­ly insuf­fi­cient secu­ri­ty mea­sures, hasty or non-exis­tent con­trols, the pri­va­ti­za­tion poli­cies car­ried out by the AKP gov­ern­ment from the onset, labor prac­tices focused on over-pro­duc­tion by the own­ers sole­ly devot­ed to prof­it and allied with the regime, paved the way for the dis­as­ter… Yet, a few months ear­li­er, in Octo­ber 2013, a demand was brought up to the Turk­ish Par­lia­ment, for the estab­lish­ment of a com­mis­sion charged with observ­ing the fre­quent “labor acci­dents” in the Soma mines and this demand, signed by 60 par­lia­men­tar­i­ans was vot­ed down by the AKP on April 29 2014, bare­ly 15 days before the catastrophy…

A tri­al began on April 13 2015. 37 peo­ple, includ­ing the direc­tor gen­er­al and the tech­ni­cal direc­tors were on tri­al. On July 11 2018, at the 22nd hear­ing, 37 accused were acquit­ted and 14 were sen­tenced to prison.  The for­mer Direc­tor Gen­er­al Can Gürkan was sen­tenced to 15 years in prison for his “neg­li­gence” in putting the mine’s prof­itabil­i­ty ahead of  the min­ers’ safe­ty. The fam­i­lies appealed this deci­sion, request­ing a sen­tence for “homi­cide”. The Court of Appeals annuled the ver­dict in Sep­tem­ber 2020. In the mean­time, in April 2020, the ex-Direc­tor Can Gürkan, ben­e­fit­ed from the amnesty decreed in the con­text of the Covid-19 pan­dem­ic and was lib­er­at­ed. In Febu­rary 2021, the tri­bunal ruled that the accused would be put on tri­al again, but not re-incar­cer­at­ed in the meantime.

Still today then, men  who were respon­si­ble for homi­cides are being put on tri­al while those in pow­er and their allies attempt to trans­form their actions into minor offens­es, while the fam­i­lies of Soma pur­sue their quest for justice…

The doc­u­men­tary “Paşa Vardiyası” (Evening Shift) tells the pub­lic what has hap­pened since the Soma dis­as­ter, through the tes­ti­mo­ny of per­sons who expe­ri­enced this peri­od from with­in. The doc­u­men­tary aims at pro­vid­ing a his­tor­i­cal archive and, also, at shar­ing this bit­ter expe­ri­ence with unions all over the world.

Hacay Yıl­maz, rep­re­sent­ing at the time the Aegean region of the Work­ers Rev­o­lu­tion­ary Min­ers Union (Devrim­ci Maden İşçil­eri Sendikası)  at the time of the dis­as­ter, took on the role of pro­duc­er for this doc­u­men­tary. Sev­da Aydın served as direc­tor, after being the cor­re­spon­dent for the dai­ly Evrensel who cov­ered the event for days, on location.

We had exchanges with the pro­duc­er and the direc­tor con­cern­ing “Paşa Vardiyası”, a doc­u­men­tary that will soon find its audience.

Dear Hacay, dear Sev­da, first of all, can you share with our read­ers your account about the peri­od of the disaster?

Sev­da, Hacay • The Soma min­ing dis­as­ter was just like Mar­quez’ “Chron­i­cle of an announced death”. A dis­as­ter was com­ing to this tiny min­ing town. One that had been built up day after day, step by step. It was approaching.

Orig­i­nal­ly, the local pop­u­la­tion lived off agri­cul­ture but in recent years this was anni­hi­lat­ed by the neolib­er­al poli­cies of suc­ces­sive pow­er hold­ers. These peo­ple had no oth­er choice than to work in the mines. Soma’s under­ground con­tains large min­er­al deposits. The mines were man­aged by a pub­lic organ­ism, the Turk­ish Author­i­ty on Coal Oper­a­tions (Türkiye Kömür İşletm­eleri  — TKİ).

Lit­tle by lit­tle the mines pre­vi­ous­ly man­aged by the TKI were pri­va­tized and hand­ed over to sub-con­trac­tors. Exploita­tion rights were ced­ed. Thus, the greater part of the open pit and under­ground mines in Soma were trans­ferred into the pri­vate sec­tor. The boss­es in the pri­vate sec­tor had only one objec­tive: mak­ing con­stant­ly more mon­ey. And in order to do so, they pro­duced at min­i­mal cost.

Reg­u­la­tions for the health and safe­ty of work­ers were not respect­ed. Pro­duc­tion was pur­sued with­out pro­tec­tive mea­sures, at the low­est pos­si­ble cost. Although experts and the TKI issuedd warn­ings to reduce the amount of coal extract­ed every year, their warn­ings were ignored, and the goals set for pro­duc­tion were exceed­ed on numer­ous occa­sions. The fact work­ers died under these con­stant­ly harsh­er con­di­tions was ignored. “These “acci­dents” that were noth­ing oth­er than crimes were con­sid­ered to be nat­ur­al. But a dis­as­ter was in the mak­ing, sim­i­lar to a mas­sacre. Those in pow­er who were pri­va­tiz­ing the mines were aware of it. The Min­is­ter of Ener­gy, respon­si­ble for min­ing, knew it. The State civ­il ser­vants who showed up for the con­trols, knew it. As did the main own­er of the mine, the TKI. Final­ly, the union of which the min­ers were mem­bers knew it also. The work­ers issued warn­ing, nobody paid atten­tion. The mas­sacre was moments away.

When the cal­en­dar read May 13 2014, dis­as­ter struck, and the mas­sacre occurred.  And we who have put togeth­er this doc­u­men­tary using our dif­fer­ent points of view, were direct wit­ness­es of it.

Paşa Vardiyası” —  Trailer (with English subtitles).

Sev­da • At the time of the dis­as­ter, I worked for the dai­ly news­pa­per Evrensel, as cor­re­spon­dent and edi­tor of the paper’s cul­tur­al pages.

On that day, the news broke  after we had already sent in local infor­ma­tion and were prepar­ing the pages for Istan­bul. The TV was on Hay­at TV, a sta­tion that was lat­er shut down by gov­ern­men­tal decree. On the screen in front of me, the flash bul­letig announced the acci­dent. Evrensel’s Izmir and Istan­bul cor­re­spon­dents rushed toward Soma.

The employ­er, pow­er rep­re­sen­ta­tives and those media at the beck and call of the regime were stren­u­ous­ly attempt­ing to hide the grav­i­ty of the dis­as­ter, the num­ber of dead work­ers and, espe­cial­ly, the caus­es of this dis­as­ter. But despite their efforts and the obsta­cles raised by the police and the gen­darmerie who had placed the mines as if under siege con­di­tions, we obtained infor­ma­tion thanks to the deter­mined work of our jour­nal­ists and the work­ers’ orga­ni­za­tions on site. We were able to inform our read­ers and view­ers. This is how the real infor­ma­tion reached inter­na­tion­al audiences.

As can be seen from the record­ings done by col­leagues who shared their archives with us, each moment is filled with pain. When you pro­nounce the word “Soma”, hun­dreds of snap­shots come to mind. For they are imprint­ed in the mem­o­ries. Min­ers being kicked on the ground, fam­i­lies howl­ing in grief, chil­dren wait­ing for their father, molest­ed lawyers, angry work­ers, all those images are also imprint­ed in my mem­o­ry bank. But fol­low­ing the dis­as­ter, they emp­tied the streets in Soma. The voic­es of anger, of suf­fer­ing, of sol­i­dar­i­ty, of orga­nized sol­i­dar­i­ty, of jus­tice were chased off the streets of Soma. The only image that now remains  is that of the silence on those streets.

Hacay • At that time I was the rep­re­sen­ta­tive for the Aegean region of the Dev.Moden-Sen ((Devrim­ci Maden İşçil­eri Sendikası – Rev­o­lu­tion­ary min­ing work­ers Union), affil­i­at­ed to the DİSK (Con­fed­er­a­tion of Turk­ish Rev­o­lu­tion­ary Unions). We were not an orga­nized and accred­it­ed union in these mines, but we were in con­tact with some of the min­ers and fol­low­ing the pri­va­ti­za­tions, we were close­ly mon­i­tor­ing work­ing con­di­tions. We shared our evi­dence with the public.

Approx­i­mate­ly two hours after the news broke, I went with oth­er com­rades to the Eynez mine in Soma where the dis­as­ter had occurred. Access to the mine was cor­doned off by the police and the gen­darmerie. The work­ers’ rel­a­tives were in tears and ask­ing “What hap­pened? How many work­ers are still in the mine? How many have died?” No one answered them. There was noth­ing but a con­stant back and forth of bod­ies wrapped in blan­kets being pulled out of the mine and car­ried to the ambu­lances. Were these peo­ple wound­ed or dead? No one said a word. The rel­a­tives asked, cried, plead­ed, but received no answers. It was said that at the time of the “inci­dent” hun­dreds of peo­ple were in the mine, but there was no infor­ma­tion as to whether they were dead or alive…

Hours went by. The sal­vage team proved to be insuf­fi­cient. Hours lat­er, I crossed the gen­darmerie’s cor­don toward the zone where they held the ambu­lances and I looked inside. I was stunned. It was emp­ty. No med­ical or rean­i­ma­tion equip­ment in it. It then became obvi­ous that the bod­ies wrapped-up like wound­ed peo­ple were life­less. They were act­ing this way to avoid an avalanche of anger from the crowd gath­ered there. Nor were they announc­ing the des­ti­na­tion of the bod­ies being transferred.

Dur­ing those late night hours, we put togeth­er a del­e­ga­tion with deputies from the Peo­ples’ Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (HDP) Lev­ent Tüzel and Sel­ma Irmak, and spoke with the Min­is­ter of Ener­gy who was in the build­ing with the direc­tors of the mines. When we ques­tioned him about this sit­u­a­tion, he was enraged and answered ‘no, this is not true!” He got even angri­er when we ques­tioned the insuf­fi­cien­cies in the sal­vage teams, expla­na­tions on why the fam­i­lies were not being informed and why no news was avail­able on the num­ber of work­ers in the mine, and the num­ber of deaths. We shared our  evi­dence with the media and infor­ma­tion agen­cies that were con­tact­ing us, minute by minute.

The search con­tin­ued for days and I stayed until the end. I watched all the devel­op­ments from close up. We orga­nized meet­ings in the vil­lages and the minework­ers’ neigh­bor­hoods. We talked, dis­cussed. We par­tic­i­pat­ed in the protests orga­nized by the work­ers in the streets and squares of Soma, dur­ing the peri­od of the dis­as­ter and after it. On a num­ber of occa­sions we were molest­ed and struck by the police, as were the workers.

With my friend the jour­nal­ist, we pre­pared this doc­u­men­tary pro­vid­ing tes­ti­mo­ny from the main par­ties con­cerned so that this dis­as­ter which I wit­nessed per­son­al­ly, may nev­er be forgotten.

  • soma

You have just fin­ished pro­duc­ing and direct­ing the doc­u­men­tary “Paşa Vardiyası”, in which you wish to bring to light the Soma dis­as­ter. What do you wish to say about this doc­u­men­tary where “wit­ness­es speak about the accom­plices to the dis­as­ter”? What were your aims when you set out on this journey?

Sev­da • I set­tled in Izmir three years after the dis­as­ter. I worked as a cor­re­spon­dent for the news agency Mezopotamya (MA) for the Aegean region. Soma and the neigh­bor­ing dis­tricts used to have a rich agri­cul­tur­al pro­duc­tion but lost all this wealth folow­ing the pil­lag­ing done by the firms exploit­ing the mines, and the peo­ple were impov­er­ished. Today, almost all the vil­lagers work in the mines. They have no choice giv­en the absence of impor­tant fac­to­ries and the low wages. The sit­u­a­tion is so bad that even those who lost close ones in the dis­as­ter are forced to car­ry on work­ing in the mines, despite the risks.

Since then, on every year­ly anniver­sary of the dis­as­ter, I write. I fol­lowed the tri­als. I cov­ered the work­ers protests as they fought  for their indem­ni­ties. The silence I men­tioned ear­li­er set­tled over the area dur­ing that peri­od. I want­ed to find the caus­es behind it. Why had all these peo­ple who had been through such a dis­as­ter, sud­den­ly so silent? I want­ed to understand.

At first, I spoke with var­i­ous work­ers and then with the fam­i­lies. And through these “off the record” exchanges, I under­stood that the busi­ness­men and those in pow­er had intim­i­dat­ed the  pop­u­la­tion in Soma, by scar­ing them over unem­ploy­ment and with reli­gious pres­sure, so that every­thing would be for­got­ten. This is how the voic­es dis­ap­peared from the streets…Yet, the most com­mon slo­gans dur­ing the Soma work­ers’ protests were “Soma, do not sleep, sup­port your min­er”, “Don’t for­get, don’t let 301 min­ers be forgotten”…

With this doc­u­men­tary, we want to put the spot­light on those who cre­at­ed this silence, pre­cise­ly so the min­ers will not be forgotten.

Hacay • This dis­as­ter which claimed the lives of 301 minors is one of the most mur­der­ous cat­a­stro­phes of all times. As a union man and an author, from start to fin­ish, for months on end, I spoke with the work­ers, vil­lage by vil­lage, neigh­bor­hood by neigh­bor­hood. Hav­ing shared every­thing with them, I thought it nec­es­sary to make this impor­tant event unfor­get­table and trans­mit the facts to the future. It was also a duty for me as a respon­si­bil­i­ty toward labor, the work­ing class, the oppressed. My objec­tive is thus to car­ry for­ward this dis­as­ter to the future, with the tes­ti­mo­ny of the ones main­ly con­cerned, their images, their videos, in a coher­ent whole…The pub­lic will tell us how well we have succeeded.

Pre­vi­ous­ly, I had trans­formed into book form work­ers’ actions known his­tor­i­cal­ly as : “Tar­iş Direnişi” (Tar­iş Resis­tance 1) “Ölüm Yürüyüşü” (The death fly) and “Bahar Eylem­leri (The Spring protests“2). I also attempt­ed to nar­rate the painful sto­ry of a woman from Soma who lost her hus­band in the min­ing dis­as­ter in my nov­el “Acıları Ortak­tı” (Shared Suf­fer­ing) pub­lished recent­ly in Jan­u­ary 2021 by the Ceylen pub­lish­ing house.

Why “Paşa Vardiyası” ?

Sev­da, Hacay • “Paşa vardiyası” is a min­ers’ term. In their trade talk, the min­ers call the  day shift “Gündüz Vardiyasi (day shift), “Paşa vardiyası” (“the Pasha’s shift, this being the evening one) and “Serseri vardiyası (the “vagabond’s shift being the night one). The Soma dis­as­ter occurred when the evening shift was about to begin. We lift­ed this term from one of the inter­views we con­duct­ed with the min­ers, and used it as a title.

The Soma dis­as­ter has left its mark on Turk­ish pub­lic opin­ion. The tri­al were those respon­si­ble stood in judg­ment, end­ed in 2018 with an unfair ver­dict. The Court of Appeals has reject­ed this deci­sion and the judi­cial process is begin­ning again. What do you think about it?

Sev­da, Hacay • Fol­low­ing the deci­sion from the Court of Appeal, the lawyers also sol­licit­ed an “equi­table judg­ment” from the con­sti­tu­tion­al tri­bunal. Dur­ing the recent hear­ing, pur­sued at the local tri­bunal on April 13 2021, the lawyers request­ed that the hear­ing be sus­pend­ed await­ing the deci­sion from the con­sti­tu­tion­al tri­bunal. But the local court reject­ed their request.

The Soma tri­al where those respon­si­ble for the gravest “work mur­der” stand tri­al clear­ly demon­strates that the prof­it of cap­i­tal is pro­tect­ed at the cost of the work­ers’ lives and that this will con­tin­ue. Speak­ing of the mine where the dis­as­ter occurred, and of the oth­er mines man­aged by the Soma AS firm “the Min­is­ter of Ener­gy had said “these are the safest of all mines”. This is not known. The State did every­thing so that it and its accom­plices would not stand tri­al. Yet, along with the employ­ers, the Min­istry of Ener­gy, the TKI, the labor inspec­tors who estab­lished reports on the mines’ “per­fect con­di­tion”, are also direct­ly respon­si­ble for the dis­as­ter. They should all stand tri­al before inde­pen­dent judges. But as we saw in the April 13 hear­ing, there is a will to rapid­ly close the Soma file by dis­trib­ut­ing sen­tences that are almost like rewards. This is the scene being pre­pared by the State. This dys­func­tion­al jus­tice is obvi­ous, not only for the fam­i­lies and their lawyers, but for every­one in Turkey. For this very rea­son, even if jus­tice can­not be obtained through legal means, those respon­si­ble have already been judged and con­demned in the con­science of the people.

*

The Soma dis­as­ter is still like an open wound in the minds of the peo­ple in Turkey. This film thus will soon find a pub­lic, not to be for­got­ten. Hacay Yıl­maz and Sev­da Aydın also aim to share the doc­u­men­tary of this painful expe­ri­ence with unions across the world.

The Kedis­tan team is hap­py to act as a bridge between the pro­duc­er and direc­tor of this doc­u­men­tary, and con­sid­er this a duty toward the Soma fam­i­lies and the min­ers who were vic­tims of the disaster.

We there­fore call on all unions will­ing to screen the doc­u­men­tary “Paşa Vardiyası” for their mem­bers to con­tact us.

Who are Sevda Aydın et Hacay Yılmaz ?

Sev­da Aydın | Jour­nal­ist. Born in 1984 she worked as cor­re­spon­dent and edi­tor for the dai­ly news­pa­per, Evrensel, pro­duc­ing infor­ma­tion on art and cul­ture for Hay­at TV, and served as edi­to­r­i­al advi­sor for the Evrensel cul­tur­al review. She cur­rent­ly works for the news agency Mezopotamya Haber Ajan­sı (MA).

Hacay Yıl­maz | Writer. Mem­ber of the Assem­bly of the Peo­ple’s Demo­c­ra­t­ic Par­ty (HDP). He spent close to 10 years in prison at dif­fer­ent times includ­ing dur­ing the mil­i­tary coup in 1980. Along with his polit­i­cal and edi­to­r­i­al activ­i­ties dur­ing these long years, he has been part of the work­ers’ move­ment through union activ­i­ty. Fol­low­ing his first book “Tar­iş Olay­ları”, he pub­lished some ten books of research, nov­els and short sto­ries. Hon­orary mem­ber of the Ger­man PEN club.

Sev­da Aydın, Hacay Yılmaz


Translation by Renée Lucie Bourges
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Dilek Aykan
REDACTION | Auteure
Gazete­ci, siyasetçi, insan hak­ları savunucusu. Jour­nal­iste, femme poli­tique, défenseure des droits humain. Jour­nal­ist, polit­i­cal woman, defendor of human rights.